Posted on 5 May, 2011 by Mathias Vermeulen
at the White House by Press Secretary Carney:
The team had the authority to kill Osama bin Laden unless he offered to surrender; in which case the team was required to accept his surrender if the team could do so safely. The operation was conducted in a manner fully consistent with the laws of war. The operation was planned so that the team was prepared and had the means to take bin Laden into custody. There is simply no question that this operation was lawful. Bin Laden was the head of al Qaeda, the organization that conducted the attacks of September 11, 2001. And al Qaeda and bin Laden himself had continued to plot attacks against the United States. We acted in the nation’s self-defense. The operation was conducted in a way designed to minimize and avoid altogether, if possible, civilian casualties. And if I might add, that was done at great risk to Americans. Furthermore, consistent with the laws of war, bin Laden’s surrender would have been accepted if feasible.
UN Special Rapporteur Martin Scheinin says the operation was lawful, and did not violate international law.
“The United States offered bin Laden the possibility to surrender, but he refused. Bin Laden would have avoided destruction if he had raised a white flag”, Scheinin said on Tuesday.According to Scheinin, apprehending a dangerous criminal like Osama bin Laden means that one must be prepared to use force. He noted that killing is permissible under international law only if the person being apprehended resists, and if there are no other means available.Scheinin said that the United States was prepared for the possibility of catching bin Laden alive, noting that the operation involved a commando raid on his hiding place, and not a missile strike.
Later the UN Special Rapporteur issued a joint statement together with Chris Heyns, the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions:
“Acts of terrorism are the antithesis of human rights, in particular the right to life. In certain exceptional cases, use of deadly force may be permissible as a measure of last resort in accordance with international standards on the use of force, in order to protect life, including in operations against terrorists. However, the norm should be that terrorists be dealt with as criminals, through legal processes of arrest, trial and judicially decided punishment.
Actions taken by States in combating terrorism, especially in high profile cases, set precedents for the way in which the right to life will be treated in future instances.
In respect of the recent use of deadly force against Osama bin Laden, the United States of America should disclose the supporting facts to allow an assessment in terms of international human rights law standards. For instance it will be particularly important to know if the planning of the mission allowed an effort to capture Bin Laden.
It may well be that the questions that are being asked about the operation could be answered, but it is important to get this into the open.”
Mary O’ Connel elaborates at Foreign Policy:
The question turns on one critical factor: President Obama’s orders to the Navy SEAL team that carried out the raid on bin Laden’s compound in Abbottabad. Orders to kill, not capture, bin Laden would be difficult to defend legally. But top counterterrorism adviser John Brennan stated Monday that the SEALs were under orders to capture bin Laden if they could. CIA chief Leon Panetta has implied, on the other hand, that the team was under orders to kill, with the option to capture if he attempted to surrender. If Panetta is correct, the legal case is weakened but can still be defended.
(…)The ECHR considered a case in
1995 with parallels to the bin Laden raid. In McCann v. The United Kingdom, the court found that members of the
elite British SAS used excessive force when they killed IRA members in Gibraltar who were suspected of preparing a bombing. The court found that the operatives should have attempted to arrest the terrorists, instead of shooting them based on intelligence they possessed that the suspects were preparing to use explosives. If the suspects had resisted arrest or attempted to escape, authorities then would have had had the right to resort to lethal force.
This is the law that applied in bin Laden’s case. On May 2, no fighting was going on in Pakistan that would rise to the level of “armed conflict” as defined under international law; Pakistan had to suspend major military operations against militant groups in the country’s tribal areas after the floods of 2010. And despite what some commentators have argued, under international law there is no right to engage in cross-border military force based on the argument that a state is unable or unwilling to deal with the threat themselves. The correct choice of law, therefore, was peacetime law.
The discussion continues at Opinio Juris here and EJIL Talk here.
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Posted on 22 April, 2011 by Mathias Vermeulen
According to Reprieve
, “it has emerged that up to 2,283 people have been killed by US unmanned aircraft, or ‘drones’, since 2004 — with the numbers rapidly escalating in the past two years under President Obama. As many as 730 victims have been wholly innocent, according to one official source.”
Preliminary investigation by Reprieve suggests that the number of innocent victims may be far higher, and that (contrary to American claims) the likelihood of the US hitting its intended “high-value terrorist” is low. Without doubt, the victims include a significant number of women and children.
On Monday, Reprieve co-sponsored a conference in Islamabad: Litigating the War of Terror in Pakistan. Mirza Shahzad Akbar, an Islamabad-based lawyer representing drone victim families, has been accumulating evidence on drone strikes and consulting with Reprieve on potential legal action. The evidence exposes an urgent need for a full and independent inquiry into the use of drones, as well as litigation in Pakistani and international courts.
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Posted on 24 February, 2011 by Mathias Vermeulen
The Newsweek interview focuses
on extrajudicial killings:
How CIA staffers determine whether to target someone for lethal operations is a relatively straightforward, and yet largely unknown, story. The president does not review the individual names of people; Rizzo explains that he was the one who signed off. People in Washington talk about a “target list,” as former undersecretary of state Richard Armitage described the process at a recent event in Washington. In truth, there is probably no official CIA roster of those who are slated to die. “I never saw a list,” says a State Department official who has been involved in discussions about lethal operations, speaking without attribution because of the nature of the subject. Officials at the CIA select targets for “neutralization,” he explains. “There were individuals we were searching for, and we thought, it’s better now to neutralize that threat,” he says.
Under another Bush order, signed several years later, a variety of people who worked in terrorist camps could be targeted, and not just named terrorism suspects; at that point, the pool of potential candidates reviewed by CIA lawyers became much larger. Despite the secrecy surrounding these orders, their scope has become clear. “The authority given in these presidential findings is surely the most sweeping and most lethal since the founding of the CIA,” William C. Banks, director of Syracuse University’s Institute for National Security and Counterterrorism, told a House committee.
The hub of activity for the targeted killings is
the CIA’s Counterterrorist Center, where lawyers—there are roughly 10 of
them, says Rizzo—write a cable asserting that an individual poses a
grave threat to the United States. The CIA cables are legalistic and
carefully argued, often running up to five pages.
Rizzo says he saw about one cable each month, and at any given time there were roughly 30 individuals who were targeted.
Rizzo found himself at the center of controversy. He was, as he puts it, “up to my eyeballs” in President Bush’s program of enhanced interrogations in the so-called black sites, or secret prisons, located in Afghanistan and in other countries.
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Posted on 8 February, 2011 by Mathias Vermeulen
The New York Times reports that when military investigators looked into an attack by American helicopters last February that left 23 Afghan civilians dead, they found that the operator of a Predator drone had failed to pass along crucial information about the makeup of a gathering crowd of villagers.
But Air Force and Army officials now say there was also an underlying cause for that mistake: information overload. At an Air Force base in Nevada, the drone operator and his team struggled to work out what was happening in the village, where a convoy was forming. They had to monitor the drone’s video feeds while participating in dozens of instant-message and radio exchanges with intelligence analysts and troops on the ground.
There were solid reports that the group included children, but the team did not adequately focus on them amid the swirl of data — much like a cubicle worker who loses track of an important e-mail under the mounting pile. The team was under intense pressure to protect American forces nearby, and in the end it determined, incorrectly, that the villagers’ convoy posed an imminent threat, resulting in one of the worst losses of civilian lives in the war in Afghanistan.
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Posted on 24 December, 2010 by Mathias Vermeulen
The Washington Post reports
that the current pace of assassinations of people who are labeled as US informers is unprecedented. The escalation parallels a massive surge in CIA drone attacks on North Waziristan. CIA drones have fired 112 missiles on Pakistan’s tribal areas this year, 88 percent of which hit North Waziristan, in a campaign whose effectiveness is hotly debated. But tribesmen say the U.S. campaign has had far-reaching consequences for the way of life in North Waziristan and provoked cycles of violence that, once in motion, are difficult to predict and impossible to control.
In interviews, several Pakistani officials, tribesmen, and one militant said the torrent of strikes has forced residents to stay indoors and deny friends shelter, fearing allegations of spying. The attacks have forced militants to ditch truck convoys and cellphones, and, in the case of the Pakistani Taliban, shutter an office in the town of Mir Ali.
Above all, residents said, the stepped-up strikes have perpetuated an entrenched culture of clan rivalry and retribution. With scant proof, militants are purging suspected moles, and their willingness to do so has made the accusation a valuable tool for people seeking revenge for land disputes or other personal enmities.
“They are just spreading terror by killing anyone,” said Lt. Gen. Asif Yasin Malik, who commands all Pakistani troops in the northwest, including the semiautonomous tribal areas.
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Posted on 11 December, 2010 by Mathias Vermeulen
Professor Mary O’ Connell talked about extrajudicial killings before the Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights and Civil Liberties here
The only place where it is lawful today for the United States to intentionally target and kill persons is in Afghanistan. The only persons who may plausibly be held without trial until the end of hostilities are detainees in Afghanistan. With respect to individuals outside Afghanistan of concern to the United States, the U.S. must treat them as criminal suspects, just as it is treating Julian Assange and just as it is treating a number of persons within our own borders.
To do otherwise, weakens American security by fueling anger and hatred in response to our law violations. We also fuel anger by extending rights to people in the U.S. and in Europe that we do not extend in poorer regions. Law violations and disparate treatment weakens America’s ability to lead in strengthening the rule of law in the world. Fundamentally, it will be respect for law and rejection of violence that will give Americans the greatest security
Read also O’Connel’s article on the ‘choice of law against terrorism’ here.
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Posted on 8 December, 2010 by Mathias Vermeulen
(ASIL) The U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia has dismissed
a civil action filed on behalf of Anwar Al-Aulaqi, a dual U.S.-Yemeni citizen and an alleged al Qaeda supporter, currently hiding in Yemen. Al-Aulaqi’s father asked the U.S. court to issue an injunction prohibiting the U.S. government from executing an “unlawfully authorized targeted killing” of his son. The U.S government argued that all of plaintiff’s claims should be dismissed on several grounds, including that the plaintiff lacked standing; that the claims were in violation of the political question doctrine; that the Court should exercise its “equitable discretion;” that no relevant cause of action exists under the Alien Tort Statute; and that the state secrets privilege was implicated.
The District Court, in a lengthy decision that carefully analyzed each of the five grounds, concluded that while the alleged targeted killing of plaintiff’s son was a “drastic measure,” the Court was barred by the political question doctrine from judicial review. According to the District Court, it was not for the courts to question the decision “textually committed to the political branches, and . . . courts are functionally ill-equipped to make the types of complex policy judgments that would be required to adjudicate the merits of plaintiff’s claims.”
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